Indonesia's status as a country with an aging population is no longer a projection — it is now a reality. According to BPS's (2026) official statistics release based on the results of the 2025 Intercensal Population Survey (SUPAS), the share of the population aged 60 and above has reached 11.97% of a total of 284.67 million people. That figure has already crossed the 10% threshold that marks the onset of an aging population phase.
In the same release, BPS Chief Amalia Adininggar Widyasanti noted that the national dependency ratio stands at 45.05. In other words, every 100 people of productive age support roughly 45 people of non-productive age, a group that includes both children and older adults.
The aging process is also uneven across regions. BPS (2026) recorded that 16 of Indonesia's 38 provinces have already entered the aging population phase. Special Region of Yogyakarta has the highest proportion of older adults, at 17.83%, followed by East Java at 15.45% and Bali at 15.07%. By contrast, the provinces with the lowest proportions of older adults are all located in Papua, ranging from Central Papua at 6.71% to Papua at 7.96%.
That said, SUPAS 2025 is not the starting point of this demographic shift. Citing the Coordinating Ministry for Human Development and Culture (Kemenko PMK, 2025), Indonesia has, according to BPS data, actually been in an aging population phase since 2021. In fact, Indonesia's demographic transition is occurring faster than the global average, with the proportion of older adults set to double in just 24 years. Kemenko PMK also cites a projection estimating that the proportion of the elderly population will reach 19.9% by 2045.
This shift poses a challenge because the systems meant to support it have not developed at the same pace. Kemenko PMK (2025) recorded that Indonesia's life expectancy stands at 71.85 years, while healthy life expectancy is only 62.8 years. In other words, the average Indonesian spends roughly the last nine years of life in poor health — precisely the period when the need for daily assistance and care tends to rise.
The next question follows naturally: who supports those nine years?
SUPAS 2025 data offers a fairly clear answer. According to BPS's (2026) release, 48.56% of older adults in Indonesia receive money or goods primarily from family — whether a spouse, child, child-in-law, or other relative. A further 37.72% still rely on employment as their main source of income. Meanwhile, the share relying on formal instruments is far smaller: pensions account for 8.82%, social security and social assistance for 2.42%, other sources for 1.35%, and savings and investments for just 1.13%.
This composition shows that family remains the primary support system for older adults in Indonesia. Formal instruments designed to support old age, such as pensions and social security, serve as the main source of livelihood for only about 11% of older adults. Family, by contrast, supports roughly four times as many.
This is not without cause. Kemenko PMK (2025) recorded that 84.75% of older adults who are still working are employed in the informal sector, leaving them without adequate pension coverage. BPJS Kesehatan (national health insurance) coverage among older adults also stands at only around 70%. On the service side, just 11.01% of hospitals offered integrated geriatric care in 2024. The government aims to raise that figure to 20% by 2025 and 50% by 2029.
In other words, families are still filling a gap that the formal system has yet to fully cover.
The trouble is that the family members providing this support increasingly do not live under the same roof. According to the 2025 Statistics on the Elderly Population (BPS, 2025b), 5.03% of older Indonesians live alone, while 22.90% live only with a spouse. This means nearly three in ten older adults go through daily life without a younger household member present, even though they continue to receive financial support from family.
This shift has also changed the way care is delivered. Children who live in the same household can offer help spontaneously and situationally — taking a parent to the local clinic when they complain of dizziness, or spending more time with them when their emotional state declines. Children living away from home, on the other hand, more often provide support on a scheduled basis: sending money on the same date each month, calling at the same time each week, or arranging needs remotely. This form of support is easier to plan and monitor, but is limited in its ability to respond to needs that arise outside the schedule.